When the going gets tough, you have to lie.— Jean-Claude Juncker
The most unconventional Jean-Claude Juncker quotes that will be huge advantage for your personal development
When it becomes serious, you have to lie.
A united Europe is our Continent's only chance to avoid falling off the world's radar. The heads of government of Germany, France and the United Kingdom also know that their voice is only heard internationally because they speak through the megaphone of the European Union.
I believe neither the French nor the Dutch really rejected the constitutional treaty.
It is not acceptable that European Union countries are divided into those who give and those who take.
We must go back to teach Europeans to love Europe.
But anyone who believes that the eternal issue of war and peace in Europe has been permanently laid to rest could be making a monumental error. The demons haven't been banished; they are merely sleeping, as the wars in Bosnia and Kosovo have shown us.
You can't deepen the European Union against the wishes of the European countries.
Much as I would have liked to respond factually and truthfully to each and every piece of misinformation spread by the Brexit campaign, it was important that I stayed out of the domestic political debate. It was David Cameron's task to win the UK referendum, not ours.
Article 50 governs the exit from the European Union and here there can also be no renegotiation.
God understands more about the financial markets than many who write about them.
The will of the British people must now be put into effect as quickly as possible. Under Article 50 of the EU Treaty the UK must leave the European Union within two years at the latest.
The way some German politicians have lashed out at Greece when the country fell into the crisis has left deep wounds there. I was just as shocked by the banners of protesters in Athens that showed the German chancellor in a Nazi uniform.
In 1913 many believed that there would never again be a war in Europe.
The great powers of the continent were so closely intertwined economically that the view was widespread that they could no longer afford to have military confrontations.
I have another explanation [of Brexit]: In its 43 years of EU membership, Britain has never been able to decide whether it wants to fully or only partially belong to the EU.
For my generation, the monetary union has always been about forging peace.
During our religious instruction in school, we always asked: How can one prove the existence of God? And I have learned that the Catholic Church, which is never at a loss for an answer when it comes to existential questions, responds as follows: This question simply does not arise.
Greece is not a country that can be humiliated.
It is a matter of finding an intersection between the reasonable elements of both sides [EU and Greece] which has to be done.
We no longer have the pact from 1997;
it was radically amended in 2005 and the Commission is applying this Stability Pact with wisdom and rationality.
Without the Turkey agreement, tens of thousands of refugees would still be stuck in Greece. The Commission presented proposals for securing Europe's external borders early on, but they languished in the Council for months. As you can see, the Commission isn't asleep. Oftentimes it has to wake up the others.
I have always considered it to be a minor miracle that after the war, people in Europe's border regions were able to forget everything and, in accordance with the slogan "Never Again War," develop a program that still works today.
Since populists never miss an opportunity to create a lot of noise about anti-Europe stance. However, the repercussions of the British referendum could quickly put a stop to such crass rabble-rousing, as it should soon become clear that the UK was better off inside the EU - economically, socially and in foreign policy terms.
We do not attract Russian money to Luxembourg with high interest rates.
We can't completely rely on the aberrations of history to explain today's European necessities. Future-related issues are no less pressing.
I urge everyone to be patient and reasonable and I warn against shooting from the hip in the truest sense of the term. Pressure and dialogue are needed.
The Luxembourg financial centre is based on several pillars, we are characterised by the breadth of our product range, we are an active participant in the international credit business.
There can be no doubt that, with the United Kingdom, we will lose a very market-oriented voice.
The use of EU summits to frame political victories or defeats is an annoying habit.
I have changed the focus of the work of my Commission so that we no longer concern ourselves with trivial details and concentrate on the key issues instead. By doing that, we met a large number of the legitimate demands made by the British people. The Commission really did do everything it could to create the conditions for a positive campaign.
Europe is a democracy and differences of opinion are part of it.
There is a proposal to divide the currency zone into a north and a south euro.
There is also the idea of setting up a core monetary union in the middle of Europe. I disapprove of these debates. Instead, we should devote all of our efforts to supplementing the monetary union with a political union.
I'm always quite amazed that people in Europe become unnerved when two institutions or two people have different views.
The Greek nation has to be respected.
I am not in the camp of those who openly want to humiliate Greece.
How will the exit affect thousands of British pensioners living in Portugal or Spain who will lose their access to the welfare and health systems? Fifty-three free-trade agreements, which were negotiated by the EU on behalf of all Member States, are also hanging in the balance for the UK.
With their charm and legendary sense of humor, the British directly or indirectly paved the way for a large number of European compromises.
Yesterday's shining heroes of Brexit have become the sorrowful heroes of today.
I would describe that [friendship with Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras] as a utilitarian friendship. At the time, his country was facing the prospect of leaving the euro zone and many Greeks felt abandoned by Europe. In such a situation, it seemed appropriate to me to present myself as a friend to Greece. It had to do with the country's dignity.
There is a distorted perception of what goes on in Brussels.
No one reports on the Commission taking a hundred initiatives from its predecessor off the table in order to shift competencies back to member state governments.
I have a plan. It entails leading to a fair deal and relationship with the British. We will be reasonable, but we will also negotiate firmly and without gullibility. I believe we must come to an agreement for the people of Britain and the people on the Continent, but not under exclusively British terms.
I am, however, deeply saddened by this [Brexit] vote by the British electorate.
But I respect their decision. What is crucial now is that we focus very precisely on what Europe can do for people: stimulate investment, create jobs and together ensure the safety and security of our citizens.
I'm not suffering from withdrawal symptoms. I would say that I have a balanced state of mind.
From the very beginning Europe has been not only a success story but also a story of success achieved by learning.
I assumed office to bring the EU to a point from which there is no going back.
Instead, I am having to unwind the EU to a certain extent.
I prefer to concentrate on my task of leading Europe to the success that our citizens expect. We have to look forwards now because what is at stake is what makes Europe Europe.
I notice with a certain sense of regret that far too many Europeans are returning to a regional and national mindset.
I don't think Spain will need any kind of external support.
It is not more Europe or less Europe that we need. We need a better Europe.
Decisions can only be reached in Europe if France and Germany agree.
With hindsight, it is always easy to blame everyone else.
I completely agree with Helmut Kohl. I am not an advocate of the "United States of Europe," nor am I an integration fanatic.